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On 24 June 2016, shortly after the full results of the referendum were known, the online edition of the Financial Times quoted the senior Labour MP, Margaret Hodge, attacking the leader of her own party, Jeremy Corbyn, over his allegedly inadequate campaign for Remain: ‘The EU referendum was a test of leadership and I think Jeremy failed that test. He came out too slowly. He was very halfhearted about his attempts to campaign and Labour voters simply didn’t get the message’ (Pickard et al. 2016). In the same article, Lord Mandelson, a key figure in Tony Blair’s government, is quoted as saying of Corbyn’s campaign, ‘At best his voice was curiously muted but when he did say anything, there were mixed messages.’ Over the next five days twenty-one members of Corbyn’s shadow cabinet resigned, all citing dissatisfaction with their leader’s lackluster performance in the build-up to the referendum as a major reason for doing so, while the shadow foreign secretary, Hilary Benn, displayed such disloyalty that he left Corbyn with little option but to sack him.
Brexit, explained Proponents said leaving the EU would save the U.K. money, but that isn’t the case.
Upholding the Rule of Law in the European Union
Brexit department picks McKinsey for £1.9 million consulting contract
THE EU CHARTER AND ITS APPLICATION AND INTERPRETATION
The EU’s New Human Rights Dimension
The Relationship between the Principle of Equality and Legislative Acts
After discovering the contradiction between the different-in fact, opposite- meanings of ‘principles’ in Article 52(5) CFREU, on the one hand, and in the case law of the Court on the other, the question is what the impact of this conceptual conflict might be on the application of the classification under Article 52(5) CFREU. Would the resolution of the ‘principles versus principles’ dispute be able to preclude subordinating the principle of equal treatment to the classification under Article 52(5) CFREU?
European Parliament: Guide to the political groups
Political groups of the European Parliament
Transnational party groupings in the European Parliament
Better known than the transnational federations are the party blocs which have developed in the European Parliament and which in many cases share the same name as the bodies already described. Their activities have a specific focus – the assembly itself – and they can and do play an important role in its organization and operations. These party groupings at Strasbourg are then a part of the wider transnational parties, but because they have a more definite role they are much more significant.
'The euro crisis is not over yet' Top economist warns of dire days ahead for EU
Eurozone Finance and The Origins of the European Crisis
EU bank calls for PUNISHMENT for eurozone countries that ignore Frankfurt as crisis LOOMS
Euro Indictment
ECB architects destroy pivot role for monetary base
A key argument for targeting high-powered money (the monetary base) is grounded on the belief that, given a firm monetary anchor (in this case a target for high-powered money growth), the market would do a better job of steering interest rates close to the ideal equilibrium path (and in discovery of the natural or neutral interest rate level – a crucial element in the auto-piloting process) than the monetary bureaucracies (central banks).
Very short-term money rates would be highly volatile as was the case under the gold standard regime. The volatility would stem from passing shortages and excesses in the market for bank reserves. The average level of these rates, though, over several weeks or months, should be fairly stable. Anyhow it is the rates for medium-term and long-term maturities which would have the greatest information content.