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THE EU CHARTER AND ITS APPLICATION AND INTERPRETATION
The EU’s New Human Rights Dimension
The Relationship between the Principle of Equality and Legislative Acts
After discovering the contradiction between the different-in fact, opposite- meanings of ‘principles’ in Article 52(5) CFREU, on the one hand, and in the case law of the Court on the other, the question is what the impact of this conceptual conflict might be on the application of the classification under Article 52(5) CFREU. Would the resolution of the ‘principles versus principles’ dispute be able to preclude subordinating the principle of equal treatment to the classification under Article 52(5) CFREU?
Transnational party groupings in the European Parliament
Better known than the transnational federations are the party blocs which have developed in the European Parliament and which in many cases share the same name as the bodies already described. Their activities have a specific focus – the assembly itself – and they can and do play an important role in its organization and operations. These party groupings at Strasbourg are then a part of the wider transnational parties, but because they have a more definite role they are much more significant.
ECB architects destroy pivot role for monetary base
A key argument for targeting high-powered money (the monetary base) is grounded on the belief that, given a firm monetary anchor (in this case a target for high-powered money growth), the market would do a better job of steering interest rates close to the ideal equilibrium path (and in discovery of the natural or neutral interest rate level – a crucial element in the auto-piloting process) than the monetary bureaucracies (central banks).
Very short-term money rates would be highly volatile as was the case under the gold standard regime. The volatility would stem from passing shortages and excesses in the market for bank reserves. The average level of these rates, though, over several weeks or months, should be fairly stable. Anyhow it is the rates for medium-term and long-term maturities which would have the greatest information content.
Stalin’s Constitution and the “All-People’s Discussion”
Perhaps the most prominent aspect of the new Constitution’s discourse on rights was its retreat from neo-corporatism. Gone is the explicit deprivation of rights to entire categories of the population. Article 135 grants the right to vote and be elected to “all citizens of the USSR aged 18 or older, regardless of racial or national membership, faith, educational level, residence, social origin, property status, and past activities.” Articles 132 and 133 proclaim the “sacred duty of every citizen” to perform military service - without reference to who may or may not bear arms. Freedom of conscience, expression, assembly, and association (described both as “freedoms” and “rights”) are now “guaranteed by law to citizens [rather than to “toilers,” as in 1918] of the USSR.” And yet traces of the neo-corporative idiom - and more broadly, of the state’s use of rights as a political tool – remain. Whereas the various freedoms are granted to “citizens,” their exercise must “correspond to the interests of toilers and the strengthening of the socialist system.” Moreover, the all-important material guaranties by the state for the realisation of civil rights are extended to “toilers” rather than to “citizens.” True, “toilers” now meant the troika of officially recognized social groups (working class, peasantry, and intelligentsia), leaving only recalcitrant individuals on the sidelines; but the subtle distinction between “citizens” and “toilers” was not lost – least of all on the toilers themselves, as we will see in a moment.